By John R. Parkinson
In an internet, interconnected global, democracy is more and more made from wikis and blogs, pokes and tweets. electorate became unintentional reporters because of their hand held units, politicians are more and more operating on-line, and the conventional websites of democracy--assemblies, public galleries, and plazas--are turning into much less and not more correct with each new expertise. And but, Democracy and Public Space argues, such perspectives are best us to confuse the medium with the message, targeting digital transmission while frequently what cyber electorate transmit is photographs and narratives of genuine democratic motion in actual area. Democratic electorate are embodied, take in area, conflict over entry to actual assets, and practice democracy on actual phases no less than up to they have interaction with principles in digital house.
Combining conceptual research with interviews and statement in capital towns on each continent, John Parkinson argues that democracy calls for actual public area, that a few types of house are higher for doing some democratic roles than others, and that essentially the most necessary sorts of house are less than assault in built democracies. He argues that unintentional publics like consumers and lunchtime crowds are more and more valued over purposive, energetic publics, over voters with some degree to make or an issue to hear. this is noticeable not only within the method that conventional protest is regulated, yet within the ways in which traditional urban streets and parks are controlled, even within the layout of such quintessentially democratic areas as legislative assemblies. Democracy and Public Space bargains an alternate imaginative and prescient for democratic public area, and evaluates eleven cities--from London to Tokyo--against that excellent.
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Additional info for Democracy and Public Space: The Physical Sites of Democratic Performance
3 Mansbridge (1992, 1999), Habermas (1996), Dryzek (2000), Young (2000), and Hajer (2003). ’ question, there are two main answers: all affected interests and those resident in a particular place (Goodin, 2007). The latter approach tends to be advanced by those who take boundaries, especially national boundaries, as more or less natural, appealing to ideas of ‘communities of memory’ (Bell, 1993), people who share founding or deﬁning experiences, culture, traditions, symbols, and so on. This is not a terribly satisfactory approach in my view.
The case study work wraps up in Chapter eight with a look at the wider ﬁelds of democratic engagement in the cities under study. I focus particularly on the representative functions of space in cities, looking at the ways in which people build up their impressions of the membership of the demos both through direct encounters and through the symbolism of the city. The degree to which certain narratives and experiences are anchored in physical form has a signiﬁcant impact, I argue, on the degree to which different people feel included in the city, and thus the degree to which they feel they have a stake in the 18 Introduction democratic performances and decision-making that take place within it.
The tensions are not simply the result of rampant privatization or securitization, important though those things are, but internal to democratic and public norms themselves. This means that implementing the injunctions that emerge from some branches of urban studies will not necessarily make the problems it uncovers go away. Quite the reverse, it may exacerbate them. So, we need a thicker understanding of democracy and the public, and this chapter tackles the ﬁrst of those concepts. I begin by setting out my take on democratic theory.