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By Colin Clarke

During this sequel to Kingston, Jamaica: city improvement and Social switch, 1692 to 1962 (1975) Colin Clarke investigates the position of sophistication, color, race, and tradition within the altering social stratification and spatial patterning of Kingston, Jamaica due to the fact that independence in 1962. He additionally assesses the lines - created through the doubling of the inhabitants - on labour and housing markets, that are themselves very important constituents in city social stratification. exact realization can also be given to color, type, and race segregation, to the formation of the Kingston ghetto, to the position of politics within the construction of zones of violence and drug buying and selling in downtown Kingston, and to the contribution of the humanities to the evolution of nationwide tradition. a distinct characteristic is the inclusion of a number of maps produced and compiled utilizing GIS (geographical info systems). The publication concludes with a comparability with the post-colonial city difficulties of South Africa and Brazil, and an evalution of the de-colonization of Kingston.

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Additional resources for Decolonizing the Colonial City: Urbanization and Stratification in Kingston, Jamaica

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Males of the white elite took coloured mistresses, euphemistically called ‘brown girls’, and for preference those that were free. The lower class of whites were too poor to qualify for the attentions of coloured women, and their mistresses were usually black slaves. These unions were impermanent and never conWrmed by marriage. Coloured women, however, treated the keeper relationship as marriage and preferred associations with the whites to legal unions with men of their own colour. Coloured men therefore took concubines, in the same way as the lower class of whites.

Large numbers of emancipated slaves established themselves, often with the help of the Baptist missionaries, as a ‘reconstituted peasantry’, either on abandoned plantations or in the uncultivated uplands of interior Jamaica. They were predominantly subsistence agriculturists, but some of their produce was sold in the urban markets. In Kingston, Victoria and Sollas markets were the most important; the former was located at the foot of King Street on the site of the old Sunday Market, and the latter on West Queen Street.

D. Voelker (1961) is particularly signiWcant: ‘assuming Jamaican IDC plant employment grows as rapidly as in Puerto Rico, there will be about 40,000 more people employed in Jamaica in the ten years—but in Jamaica, about 400,000 more people will have been born’. 4 per cent of the potential labour force was already unemployed. Part-time unemployment was also widespread in Kingston, and 30 per cent of the classiWed labour force of 169,000 received employment for less than Wve days during the week preceding the census.

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