By Arne C. Rodloff
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Millar, national organiser for the NCLC, has deposited very extensive records of the movement . Directorate of Intelligence report on revolutionary movements, 1919, 1 quoted in Challinor, 1977a, p . 261 . 2 Eg . in the Report of the Commissioners appointed to enquire into Industrial Unrest, 1917, Cd . 8668 . Aspects of this conjuncture are discussed in Holton, 1976, Challinor, 3 1977a, Meacham, 1978, Hinton, 1973 and Wrigley . 4 J . F . C . Harrison, 1961, who admits this, still misleadingly portrays the WEA as the chief educational focus of the rising labour movement before the twenties .
Certainly it seems that political parties failed to see that part of the conditions of their own existence, not to mention that of a strong working class movement, is the building of effective class organisations . But the context of working class politics was changing so dramatically in the interwar years that an alternative policy pursued by the Communist Party would not by itself have transformed the available political options . In addition to the requirements of party and union educational strategies, Plebs was affected by the weakening and even dispersal of many of the urban communities which the colleges served, by the development of the educational activities of the BBC, and by the demands of local government responsibilities on members time .
These became the main focus of the Bulletin, of dayschools (such as the June 1973 Brighton dayschool on value) and of annual conferences (December 1972 on crisis, January 1974 on imperialism) . Although many of these debates were as old as Marxism itself, it was the first time they had been actively worked on in Britain by more than a handful of isolated scholars : this was a collective process of self-education which was enormously valuable, however esoteric it may have seemed sometimes, and despite the fact that a number of non-Marxist and non-academic CSE members dropped out as a result .