By Michael Stewart Foley
Laying off mild on a misunderstood type of competition to the Vietnam warfare, Michael Foley tells the tale of draft resistance, the innovative of the antiwar circulate on the top of the war's escalation. in contrast to so-called draft dodgers, who left the rustic or manipulated deferments, draft resisters brazenly defied draft legislation via burning or handing over their draft playing cards. Like civil rights activists ahead of them, draft resisters invited prosecution and imprisonment. targeting Boston, one of many movement's such a lot in demand facilities, Foley unearths the the most important position of draft resisters in moving antiwar sentiment from the margins of society to the guts of yankee politics. Their activities encouraged different draft-age males against the war--especially collage students--to reassess their position of privilege in a draft procedure that provided them protections and despatched disproportionate numbers of working-class and minority males to Vietnam. This reputation sparked the switch of strategies from criminal protest to mass civil disobedience, drawing the Johnson management right into a war of words with activists who have been mostly suburban, liberal, younger, and heart class--the middle of Johnson's Democratic constituency. interpreting the daily fight of antiwar organizing performed via traditional americans on the neighborhood point, Foley argues for a extra complicated view of citizenship and patriotism in the course of a time of struggle.
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Extra info for Confronting the war machine: draft resistance during the Vietnam War
Bush, among others) as one of the nation’s best-known draft dodgers, but because it illustrates how the draft, which so efﬁciently marched some men off to war, could be so easily subverted and ignored by others. In New York City and Cleveland, Ohio, thirty-eight fathers and sons were arrested for paying up to $5,000 i ntr o d uc t i o n 11 for false papers used to get deferments. ∞≥ The parallels with the Civil War–era practice of buying substitutes to ﬁght on one’s behalf are obvious. As unscrupulous parents bought bogus medical records to keep their sons out of Vietnam, working-class men vanished from their neighborhoods and landed in Southeast Asia.
There were all these Unitarian Ministers, Friend Service Committee [members] . . ’’≥≥ Unlike the members of the New England cnva, the ﬁfteen or so hardcore members of the Boston cnva directed their attention exclusively toward the Vietnam War. Although they were paciﬁsts and were deeply concerned a l i ttl e ba n d o f b o l d p i o n e e r s 33 about the proliferation of nuclear weapons, the worsening situation in Vietnam, they felt, deserved all of their attention. They set up their ﬁrst ofﬁce in Roxbury but because of inadequate plumbing and wiring, later moved to an old barn in Brookline, complete with ‘‘milk-crate-modern furniture’’ and mimeograph machines for producing leaﬂets.
They sealed the entrance to the building, scattered the crowd, and took Phillips to the hospital; Williams accompanied him. ’’≥ Nearby, state representative James F. ’’∂ Activists in the incipient draft resistance movement came to expect this kind of reception in 1966. a l i ttl e ba n d o f b o l d p i o n e e r s 21 In the public outcry that followed the attacks, opinions were sharply divided. For the next month, Boston’s public ofﬁcials, newspaper editors, and residents debated and discussed the meaning of draft card burning as a method of protest and the appropriate responses to it.