By Im Sik Cho, Blaž Križnik
The e-book compares varied ways to city improvement in Singapore and Seoul during the last many years, via targeting group participation within the transformation of neighbourhoods and its impression at the outfitted setting and communal existence. Singapore and Seoul are recognized for his or her fast fiscal progress and urbanisation below a powerful regulate of developmental nation long ago. although, those towns are at a serious crossroads of societal transformation, the place participatory and community-based city improvement is gaining significance. This new technique might be noticeable due to a altering courting among the nation and civil society, the place an rising partnership among either goals to beat the constraints of prior city improvement. The publication attracts awareness to the probabilities and demanding situations that those towns face whereas relocating in the direction of a extra inclusive and socially sustainable post-developmental urbanisation. by means of making use of a comparative point of view to appreciate the evolving city paradigms in Singapore and Seoul, this distinct and well timed publication deals insights for students, execs and scholars drawn to modern Asian urbanisation and its destiny trajectories.
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Additional info for Community-Based Urban Development: Evolving Urban Paradigms in Singapore and Seoul
In many cases, these new residential areas lacked basic social amenities and infrastructure, which construction corporations have considered as unnecessary additional costs. Moreover, as a market-driven urban redevelopment, the JRP was focused on housing provision for mid- and high-income residents, which along with property owners and construction corporations have become the main beneﬁciaries of this approach. 2 City and Developmental State 31 Sanggye-dong, to name only few among many similar redevelopment districts in Seoul, were on the contrary largely excluded from JRP, and were faced with wholesale clearance of their living environment, evictions and displacement, loss of small businesses and neighbourhood markets, and heightened social conflicts (Cho 1998; Ha 2007; Križnik 2009; Shin 2009; Shin and Kim 2015; Lees et al.
The relocation process was poorly planned and managed, and evictees had to face, upon their arrival to the area, unbearable living conditions, virtually non-existent social amenities and infrastructure, and soaring property prices, fuelled by land speculations. What followed in August 1971 was one of the ﬁrst urban struggles in the modern history of South Korea. While waiting in vain for the Seoul mayor to talk about their problems, the residents began with what appeared as spontaneous protests, which soon turned violent and caught national and local government largely unprepared.
Eng and Kong (1997) have pointed to earlier reports that described a typical street in Chinatown in 1954 as ‘among the most primitive in the urban areas of the world’ (Kaye 1960, p. 5), 73 % of surveyed households living in badly overcrowded conditions in 1953–54 (Goh 1956) and one quarter of a million people living in badly degenerated slums in the city centre while another one-third of a million living in squatter areas on the city fringe, in 1960 (Teh 1975). To tackle the acute housing shortage, the HDB took as its top priority to build as many housing units as possible within a short period of time.