By Nancy Ainsworth-Vaughn
Nancy Ainsworth-Vaughn studied tales, subject keep watch over, "true" questions, and rhetorical questions in one hundred and one scientific encounters in US private-practice settings. In particularly lucid and available type, Ainsworth-Vaughn explains how strength was once claimed via and co-constructed for either sufferers and medical professionals (previous experiences have centred upon medical professionals' power). The discourse diversified alongside a continuum from interview-like consult conversational speak. Six chapters are prepared round facts and comprise prolonged examples of tangible speak in unique transcription; 4 of those data-oriented chapters concentration upon dynamic, moment-to-moment use of speech actions in rising discourse, resembling medical professionals' and sufferers' tales that co-constructed selves, and a patient's sexual rhetorical questions. extra chapters provide non-statistical quantitative information at the frequency of wondering and unexpected subject adjustments with regards to gender, prognosis, and different elements. Contributing to discourse conception, Ainsworth-Vaughn considerably modifies earlier definitions for subject transitions and rhetorical questions and discovers the position of storytelling in analysis. the ultimate bankruptcy offers implications for physicians and scientific educators.
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Extra info for Claiming Power in Doctor-Patient Talk (Oxford Studies in Sociolinguistics)
Clearly, it is important to examine how this crucial meaning—a diagnosis—is constructed in real time through sequential activities. As well as being qualitative, the following studies are ethnographic (some would say the two terms are redundant, but in my usage they differ). In order to produce an ethnographic picture, I quote and describe speakers in detail. An ethnography provides a sense of the moment, with all its multiple possible meanings. Individual speakers do not produce speech activities one by one, like pearls on a string.
Estimated age audiotaped. In the second study, I made field notes and observed the workings of the practices, as I detail below. In this book, patients and physicians are referred to with pseudonyms. Pseudonyms for physicians begin with F when the physician is female4 and with M when the physician is male. Pseudonyms for patients were chosen to relate to the tape code of the recording. For example, the name "Melan" was chosen to relate to the "ML" code assigned to the original tape recordings of this participant's medical encounters.
Gender may play a role (chapter 3). Personality may play a role. However this complex of factors may have functioned, the simple fact of affiliation with a university is only one of many influences upon a physician's behavior. In the large-scale second study, I reversed the order in which I approached prospective participants. First, physicians and medical staff were recruited. Second, having secured physicians' permission, I recruited patients as they arrived at the office. When recruiting patients, I provided the same brief description of the research that was given to medical staff.