By Sigmund Freud
In what continues to be one among his such a lot seminal papers, Freud considers the incompatibility of civilisation and person happiness, and the tensions among the claims of society and the person. we know that residing in civilised teams capacity sacrificing a level of non-public curiosity, yet couldn't you argue that it in reality creates the stipulations for our happiness? Freud explores the arguments and counter-arguments surrounding this proposition, concentrating on what he perceives to be one among society's maximum hazards; 'civilised' sexual morality. in the end, doesn't repression of sexuality deeply impact humans and compromise their probabilities of happiness?
Translated by way of David McLintock.
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Additional resources for Civilization and Its Discontents
Such an exercise, however, had its eﬀects: and I have the proof – my book [Ecrits] was rejected by the Ford Foundation that supports such gatherings in order to clean them up. The Foundation found it unthinkable to publish me. It is just that the eﬀect that is produced has nothing to do with communication of la parole, and everything to do with the displacement of discourse. 3 Not surprisingly, Hartmann saw the ego as a compromise whose good functioning led to accommodation with an unquestioned reality.
Yet such a view is rendered extremely problematic from the moment that it appears that the Other itself is challenged, or does not exist at all. For the claim now seems to be more radical, requiring not just that collective formations in the ﬁeld of politics be analysed as unconscious formations,1 but that the unconscious itself must be accounted for as being linked to, indeed, dependent upon, the discourse of the master. Thus, when Lacan in his seminar on The Other Side of Psychoanalysis stresses that ‘[A]s stupid as this discourse of the unconscious is, it is responding to something that stems from the institution of the discourse of the master himself’ (Lacan 2007: 91), he thereby implies that any modiﬁcation of the master’s discourse will have decisive consequences for the discourse of the unconscious.
By no means are the presented accounts exhaustive of psychoanalytic potential for the study of politics. With their variety they oﬀer possible entries into the Introduction 11 political reading of Lacanian thought while also remaining faithful to its disciplinary origins. These interventions are also invitations to further reading and exploration of the political side of Lacan, that is, not Lacan’s personal political engagements, but the political potential of his fundamental concepts, when read alongside other traditions and problematics of political theory.