Download Asymmetries in the Phonology of Miogliola by Mirco Ghini PDF

By Mirco Ghini

ISBN-10: 3110170906

ISBN-13: 9783110170900

Drawing on a twin services of infrequent depth, Mirco Ghini's e-book is a massive contribution to either Romance dialectology and phonological thought. It provides a entire account of the segmental and metrical phonology of the Ligurian dialect of the village of Miogliola, North-west Italy. in accordance with the author's personal fieldwork, it's the first in-depth examine of this zone, additionally tracing its improvement from Latin. characteristic task, underspecification, and volume alternations are so much popular one of the common theoretical concerns on which the details of Miogliola phonology, meticuously analysed, are delivered to undergo with splendor and strength.

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If monovalent features are assumed, such a feature simply does not exist. Therefore it can never be acquired, nor can it become active at a certain point in the derivation. See, with respect to the issue of underspecification with monovalent features the work in Modified Contrastive Underspecification: the labelling is due 24 Chapter 1: Theoretical assumptions to Paradis and Prunet (1991: 7-8); work within this approach can be found in Avery and Rice (1989), Dyck (1995), Rice (1993,1994,1996), Rice and Avery (1991,1993), Rose (1993), Walker (1993), and, finally, Wu (1994).

The Prosodic Hierarchy 13 the syllable, but it does not from a representation that ignores moras altogether. In the latter case, it must be stipulated that only coda consonants are compensatorily lengthened. Finally, consider a non-moraic representation of the syllable for those languages where CVC is heavy depending on the coda consonant. In this case the same problem arises as for the coda-onset asymmetry just pointed out. More interestingly, however, a different kind of problem arises, too. The geometry of the rhyme no longer has anything to say about syllabic weight: some branching rhymes are heavy, whereas others are light.

Cho (1990) looks at Klingenheben's Law in Hausa. According to this 22 Chapter 1: Theoretical assumptions law, obstruents become the corresponding sonorants in syllable final position. All laryngeal distinctions are lost in this process. Cho (1990) formalized this law as delinking of the LARYNGEAL node and insertion of the feature [Sonorant]. e. LARYNGEAL, is not available either. Notice that the representations in (13) display two kinds of placelessness: /t/ is placeless in the sense of lacking a content node indicating the place of articulation; l\l has no PLACE node at all.

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